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Beyond Mocking and Cursing


A great deal of the opposition to Trump and Trump supporters is couched in the register of moral outrage. Some of it is ridicule: making fun of Trump’s appearance and his obliviousness to demonstrable facts, as well as the ignorance of some of his supporters. We lament the danger he and his supporters pose to democracy and peace, and the hatefulness of what they say and do about women, people of color, and the poor. One might almost suppose that the Left these days is united primarily around hatred for Trump and people who support him, even though we say that love trumps hate. Trumpists find solidarity in their disgust for the Left, whom they call “libtards” and “snowflakes”, but it would be nice if the Left was united by something better than hatred or even moral outrage.
There’s no denying that shared moral outrage feels good; it is a way of declaring oneself to be on the right (that is, the Left) side of history and in solidarity with like-minded others. But it only drives the wedge deeper between us and people who are inclined to support Trumpism, convincing them that we live in a different moral universe from them, and that our only political wish is to silence them and render their desires and aspirations null and void in political decision making that effects their lives. Of course there are Trump supporters we cannot reach because their real material interests – their investments and professions – stand to benefit from tax cuts and increased military spending. But we should not give up on working class Trump voters, even if they have intolerant views that we find reprehensible. We need a strategy for eventually bringing everyone who is not a capitalist around to the understanding that capitalism is the enemy, not other members of the working class.
Trump supporters are often represented as too lazy and stupid to think beyond the brainwashing they have received from Fox News and the social media of the alt-right. The right-wing media have certainly managed to focus and give content to the discontent that Trumpists feel. But people believe what they believe in order to make sense of their lives. We need to ask what it is about the lives of millions that makes right-wing rhetoric make sense to them.
What underlies the hatred of Trumpists for immigrants, people who cannot support themselves, people of color, and the direction of the country under mainstream political leadership? Hatred grows out of fear, for hatred is a way to redeem fear, to make it proactive rather than merely reactive. It turns flight into fight, and fight feels better than flight. So what are Trumpists fearful of?
The reality is that they are being systematically fleeced by neo-liberal capitalism that has made wages stagnant while good jobs that can give a person a sense of getting ahead and doing something worthwhile are vanishing over the horizon. Policies affecting their lives are made in big cities far away by people very different from themselves professionally, economically and culturally.
Moreover,  it appears to them that the cultural ground they stand on is shifting under foot, shaking their confidence in their right to be who they are. This bears on the problem of race. Our recent economic history of massive inequality and social disruption has left many people in rural and rust belt America without a secure sense of belonging in the world. If they are white, then, given the history of institutional racism in this country going  back to slavery, they inevitably get some of their sense of identity from the mere fact that they are not black, i.e. white. So as the complexion of the nation changes, many who, often unconsciously, regard themselves as “white” feel threatened by the increasing numbers of people of color and by what looks to them like liberal policies of preferring them through policies of immigration and welfare. We can protest and tell them they ought not to feel that way, but when we do so, they feel they are being preached at by people who do not share their lives. In a similar way, people who have grown up with their sense of self rooted in traditional gender relations can also feel their life-world coming apart as those relationships are challenged by the increasing visibility and legitimation of the LGBTQ movement.[1]
It’s important to understand that these perceptions and fears are in varying degrees unconscious to those who have them, or are conscious only in partial and distorted ways. People who think (falsely) that people on welfare are mostly black and Hispanic and lazy do not know that this belief is a rationalization of their fragile sense of identity that depends on feeling superior as “white” to people who are not “white”.
Can we on the left let go of the assumption that our truth and our justice is so obvious that only people who are stupid and intellectually lazy, or just plain evil, could possibly fail to see it? Not only does this attitude, by casting ourselves as superior to the stupid and ignorant masses, poison our message so that only those already on our side will hear us, but we blind ourselves to the real reasons for Trump’s appeal to a big chunk of the electorate. I suggest that what we see as their stupidity is not a lack of native intelligence, but rather the paralysis of their intellects by fear and anger, leaving them unable to do more than lash out with “alternative facts” and simple-minded slogans that justify and express their anger.
The philosopher Spinoza wrote, “I have labored carefully not to mock human actions, nor to lament nor to curse them, but to try to understand them.” When we mock, lament, or curse someone, we cannot understand him or her.  We have reduced the complex person, who is embedded in a many-sided social situation, to a demonic and isolated caricature, someone who is either a moron or is evil for no other reason than the perverse desire to do evil.
Notice, though, that refusing to mock, lament, or curse what people do does not rule out objecting to what they do, or criticizing it, or prohibiting it, or even trying to stop it by force. But all these actions will be more effective if they are done with an understanding of how the cultural and political landscape looks and feels to the people whose actions we are objecting to and trying to prevent.
The fact that Trumpism and alt-right views are deeply rooted in unconscious fears means that reasoned arguments will have very limited value, especially on people who have been committed to their views for a long time and who live in communities of like-minded people. We can hope, though, that younger members of those communities can be persuaded. But that will require us to develop and teach a positive and vivid vision of a better world, one that is powered by the will to cooperate rather than the will to dominate. And we need to learn to teach these things with an understanding of the people we are addressing and with as little mocking, lamenting, and cursing as humanly possible.
Presented on the Old Mole Variety Hour, December 11, 2017

After thought: How realistic is it, psychologically, to separate the moral indignation necessary for political action and commitment from anger, and even rage? Can we motivate people into radical political action without evoking moral outrage? And can that outrage be directed only at the system (racist-patriarchal capitalism) without spilling over into anger at, and hatred of, particular agents of the system (like Trump and his supporters)?


[1] Jonathan Gray, a local conservative political consultant, told the New York Times (12/11/17), “Washingtonians still don’t fathom the extreme level of heartland anger against how government 'shoves things down their throats' by interfering with how they raise their kids, sneering at their faith, denigrating America’s heritage and regulating them half to death."

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