Skip to main content

Martin Luther King Day Commentary


Just in time for Martin Luther King day, Newsweek magazine reveals that Donald Trump thought that all welfare recipients were black. When told, in a meeting with members of the Congressional Black Caucus last March, that not all people on welfare are black, Trump responded, “Really? Then what are they?” – apparently unable to picture a white person on welfare.  In fact, most welfare recipients are white. White people without a college degree ages 18 to 64 are the largest class of adults on welfare.
The assumption, spoken or unspoken, that welfare recipients are black is a common misconception. We can point to the media and their repetition of stories and pictures of black single mothers on welfare, but that doesn’t explain why the media makes the assumption and why it comes across as plausible to most Americans.
In fact this image of welfare recipients as black flows from the racist ideology that permeates US society: the idea that black people are a distinct kind of people – a “race” –who are by nature significantly less able to provide for themselves than white people are. As a factual claim, this idea has been thoroughly debunked by genetics, most recently by the human genome project, by anthropology and indeed by history. An excellent analysis and history of the idea of race is that in the book, Racecraft: The Soul of Inequality in American Life, by Karen Fields and Barbara Fields, which has helped me to see more clearly that the very idea of race is racist. It was created in order to mark off, as distinct from and inferior to the rest of us, people who could be denied the rights we claimed for ourselves.
Racism did not result from human nature – neither the  nature of white people or the nature of black people. It does not come naturally to people from most other cultures, nor do children see separate races until they are taught to do so. So how, and more importantly, why, did it arise? Historian Edmund Wilson argues in his classic book American Slavery, American Freedom, that racism was encouraged by wealthy plantation owners in the early days of slavery in 17th Century colonial Virginia to provide poor whites with “social, psychological, and political advantages” so that they would align, not with the slaves who in many ways shared their condition, but with their exploiters” (344). Virginia’s ruling elites had considerable fears of uprisings by both enslaved blacks as well as by white indentured servants. So, quoting from Morgan:
Obviously it was to the advantage of the men who ran Virginia to encourage …contempt [for blacks and Indians] in the colony’s white servants and freemen.… By a series of acts, the assembly did what it could to foster [that] contempt [among] whites. In 1670 it forbade free Negroes and Indians “though baptized,” to own Christian servants. In 1680 it prescribed thirty lashes on the bare back “if any negroe or other slave shall presume to lift up his hand in opposition to any christian.” This was a particularly effective provision in that it allowed servants to bully slaves without fear of retaliation, thus placing them psychologically on a par with masters.
Though this last provision is no longer written into law, it’s still an working assumption of many law enforcement officials, prosecutors, and juries as is evidenced by the lack of indictments, let alone convictions, for police who shoot unarmed Afro-Americans.
When African slaves were first set to work in the tobacco fields, Morgan writes
…there is no evidence that English servants or freedmen resented the substitution of African slaves for more of their own kind. When their masters began to place people of another color in the fields beside them, the unfamiliar appearance of the newcomers may well have struck them as only skin deep. There are hints that the two despised groups initially saw each other as sharing the same predicament. It was common, for example, for servants and slaves to run away together, steal hogs together, get drunk together. It was not uncommon for them to make love together. In Bacon’s Rebellion one of the last groups to surrender was a mixed band of eighty Negroes and twenty English servants. (327)
Racism put a stop to such fraternization and collective action against the rich and powerful, and it continues to so today, something the Trump campaign took full advantage of last year. Being white in a racist society still endows one with  “social, psychological, and political advantages” that many white people, especially those who feel economically and socially insecure, are fearful of losing. The existence of a social class of people who, supposedly by their very nature, are losers in the social struggle leads them to blame those racially marginalized others for what is wrong with society and not the wealthy elites with whom they share the imaginary feature of being “white”.
This account should help us see that Capitalism and White Supremacy grew up together and are facets of a single system. Political movements to end the exploitation of everyone by Capital must at the same time work to end the marginalization of some of us by the divisions of race, and vice-versa. Martin Luther King knew this. He and his allies understood that the oppression their people faced was linked to the oppression other people faced, whether it was union workers being denied their rights, poor whites denied proper education and access to jobs, or laborers overseas working in sweat shops to produce the products we use every day.[1] As King wrote, “We must recognize that we can’t solve our problem now until there is a radical redistribution of economic and political power… We must see now that the evils of racism, economic exploitation and militarism are all tied together… you can’t really get rid of one without getting rid of the others…- Report to SCLC Staff, May 1967.
Seeing that  “economic competition between whites and blacks undermines civil rights, he called for a “Grand Alliance” between working-class whites and black, that is to reject Capitalism’s efforts to split us into contending factions with the wedge of race which sees to it that the people divided can always be defeated. This is as much to say, Workers of the World – all the world – unite.
I’m Clayton Morgareidge for the Old Mole Variety Hour on MLK day, 2018.





[1] According to a piece on Alternet by Zaid Jilani, https://www.alternet.org/news-amp-politics/dr-king-wanted-grand-alliance-blacks-and-whites-build-economic-justice

Comments

Popular posts from this blog

MEANINGLESSNESS AND DESPAIR

In Woody Allen’s film “Crimes and Misdemeanors,” a wise European existentialist, Professor Levy, appears on video reflecting on the difficulties of living well in a universe without God. Here is one clip: Professor Levy : We must always remember, that when we are born, we need a great deal of love, in order to persuade us to stay in life. Once we get that love, it usually lasts us. But, the universe is a pretty cold place. It's we who invest it with our feelings and, under certain conditions, we feel that the thing isn't worth it any more. What are these “certain conditions” in which we feel that life “isn’t worth it anymore”—conditions in which love dries up? How about a world in which there is no place for us, where we don’t matter, where there is nothing we can do that has value? Is this not the world in which so many people now find themselves, the world from which they flee from their lives into a stupor brought on by alcohol or opioids, or escape

Capitalism as Organized Narcissism

An important task for a socialist writer is to make capitalism look as bad as it really is. This is essential to the socialist project because capitalism has so many ways of making itself look good in the   propaganda it distributes through the corporate media and the education system which it dominates. Daily we are shown the glossy and benign face of capital as providing all good things, from jobs to all our enticing consumer goods. So it takes a lot of effort to show the system in its true colors. Yet the underlying and terrible truth about capitalism is not hard to see if one just burrows a little way below the surface. Among the many charges we can bring against capitalism is that it is a system of organized crime: it organizes the predatory activity of wealthy families and corporations and protects them from real and potential uprisings of the people they exploit. It is also, like much crime, psychopathic; in particular, it is organized narcissism. It seems ap

Founding Myths, Founding Crimes

How important are the founding myths of a nation? What happens if those myths become founding crimes ? Consider the Soviet Union and Khrushchev’s famous speech in 1956 denouncing the crimes of Stalin – the show trials, the mass executions, the gulag. According to philosopher Slavoj Žižek, “After [Khrushchev’s] speech, things were never the same again, the fundamental dogma of infallible leadership had been fatally undermined.…”   In the short run, this exposure of the seamy side of the Soviet state “strengthen[ed] the communist movement…the Khrushchev era was the last period of authentic communist enthusiasm of belief in the communist project.” But Khrushchev was deposed in 1964, and a “resigned cynicism” set in “until Gorbachev’s attempt at a more radical confrontation with the past” led to the utter collapse of the system. By contrast, the Chinese Communist Party managed to throw overboard the whole communist project and take up “Western-style ‘liberalization’ (priv